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COPYRIGHT 2002 Adam Mickiewicz University Press
ABSTRACT
The standard classification of Old English nominal inflections, employing the Proto-Germanic root structure, fails to reflect synchronic features of the system. This paper follows Kastovsky (1995) and Lass (1997) in rejecting the traditional model as incompatible with synchronic data, and postulates an alternative view on the categorisation of Old English nouns. The new interpretation makes it possible to capture synchronic relationships within the Old English nominal paradigm, as well as predict developmental tendencies observable in the Middle English period.
1. Introduction
In his paper Roger Lass (1997) argued that there are strong methodological doubts as to the reality of gender/declension assignments in the case of Old English nouns. He rightly observed that the degree of gender indeterminacy for many nouns is so high that it is virtually impossible to say with any degree of certainty that such assignment is at all possible. Similarly, Dieter Kastovsky (1995) questioned the validity of the classification of nominal paradigms as found in standard textbooks devoted to Old English nominal morphology.
The aim of this paper is to continue the discussion of issues raised by these authors as well as by Krygier (1998). It will be argued here that there is no synchronic motivation for the type of declensional classification commonly accepted by students of Old English, and an alternative proposal will be suggested.
2. The critique of the traditional account
When in 1969 Alfred Reszkiewicz published his Synchronic essentials of Old English he included a very interesting statement in the preface, where he observed that "a synchronic (descriptive) presentation should precede diachronic explanations, even in historical grammars" (Reszkiewicz 1998 [1969]: 7). These words sound so commonsensical that treating them as worth repeating after over thirty years may seem odd. However, judging from the prevailing approach to Old English morphology, and nominal morphology in particular, Reszkiewicz's wishes still await fulfilment.
For no grammar of Old English can be viewed as truly deserving this title. It is standard practice to apply Proto-Germanic inflectional categories to a language, which, although its direct descendant, is at a completely different stage of development. These sentiments have been fully expressed by the author of this paper elsewhere (Krygier 1998), therefore at this point only a short synopsis of the main arguments will be given.
In Proto-Germanic the morphological structure of a noun was very transparent and consisted of three elements: a root, a stem formative, and an inflectional ending, e.g., *dag-a.z 'day'. The stem formative characterised the noun as belonging unambiguously to one of many nominal declensions.
By the time of Old English, however, stem formatives were no longer distinguishable, suffering the fate of other medial unstressed syllables. In no nominal paradigm of Old English can one find any morphological element that would unambiguously serve as its characteristic feature....
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