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The Florentine.(The Essential Writings of Machiavelli and The Prince)(Book review)

The New Yorker

| September 15, 2008 | Pierpont, Claudia Roth | COPYRIGHT 2008 All rights reserved. Reproduced by permission of The Condé Nast Publications Inc. This material is published under license from the publisher through the Gale Group, Farmington Hills, Michigan.  All inquiries regarding rights should be directed to the Gale Group. (Hide copyright information)Copyright

One method of torture used in Florentine jails during the glorious days of the Renaissance was the strappado: a prisoner was hoisted into the air by a rope attached to his wrists, which had been tied behind his back, and then suddenly dropped toward the floor as many times as it took to get him to confess. Since the procedure usually dislocated the shoulders, tore the muscles, and rendered one or both arms useless, it is remarkable that Niccolo Machiavelli, after reportedly undergoing six such "drops," asked for pen and paper and began to write. Machiavelli had nothing to confess. Although his name had been found on an incriminating list, he had played no part in a failed conspiracy to murder the city's newly restored Medici rulers. (Some said that it was Giuliano de' Medici who had been targeted, others that it was his brother Cardinal Giovanni.) He had been imprisoned for almost two weeks when, in February, 1513, in a desperate bid for pardon, he wrote a pair of sonnets addressed to the "Magnificent Giuliano," mixing pathos with audacity and apparently inextinguishable wit. "I have on my legs, Giuliano, a pair of shackles," he began, and went on to report that the lice on the walls of his cell were as big as butterflies, and that the noise of keys and padlocks boomed around him like Jove's thunderbolts. Perhaps worried that the poems would not impress, he announced that the muse he had summoned had hit him in the face rather than render her services to a man who was chained up like a lunatic. To the heir of a family that prided itself on its artistic patronage, he submitted the outraged complaint "This is the way poets are treated!"

Machiavelli was not especially known for his poetry, and few would have called him a man with a claim to Medici support. His family was distinguished but far from rich, and had definite republican associations. Two of his father's cousins had been beheaded for their opposition to the dynasty's founder, Cosimo de' Medici, who had effectively brought the historic republic to an end, in 1434, the better to protect the family bank's enormous fortune. During Machiavelli's youth, his father seems to have gained him entree to the scholarly circles around the widely beloved Lorenzo de' Medici, who had managed to rule Florence for decades without the Florentines' feeling the brunt or shame of being ruled. But Lorenzo had died in 1492, and, two years later, the Medici were thrown out of the city. Machiavelli was twenty-five; Giuliano de' Medici, Lorenzo's youngest son, was fifteen. While Machiavelli had nothing to do with the religious regime of the Dominican preacher Savonarola, who replaced the Medici--he disdained the preacher's pious "lies" even while admiring his republican reforms--he came into his own once the city turned against its savior and Savonarola (after suffering fourteen drops of the strappado) was hanged. In 1498, when both God and Savonarola's supporters lost their government posts, Machiavelli found himself with a job. For the next fourteen years, he proudly served an independent city-state that had returned to its republican form, but was now carefully buttressed to withstand Medici forces lurking at its borders, or the threat that other wealthy families might pose. The chief safeguard of the city's liberty was the Great Council: an administrative body with a membership of more than three thousand citizens, which gave Florence, with a population of some fifty thousand, the most broadly representative government of its time.

At the age of twenty-nine, Machiavelli was appointed Second Chancellor, with responsibilities for the city's correspondence and domestic reports. His immense physical and intellectual energy (he casually boasted of making "Greek, Latin, Hebraic, and Chaldean" references) seems to account for his additional appointment, within a month, as Secretary of the so-called Ten of War, which sent him on remote diplomatic missions, usually in the face of impending crisis. War was never far off. These were years when France, Spain, and the Holy Roman Empire, battling over rival claims, sent their formidable armies marching across the weak and continually sparring Italian states; Milan, Genoa, Florence, Venice, Naples, and any number of smaller duchies, marquisates, and republics found it hard to defend themselves, for lack of a united front.

To make matters worse, the varied Italian powers relied on mercenary troops that traded sides more easily than today's big-league ballplayers, signing a new contract as soon as a better offer came along. Machiavelli thrived on the urgency and the uproar, filling his saddlebags with books and galloping off to argue the Florentine case, then report back on what he had found. In one report, he described his duties as weighing what the ruler's "intentions are, what he really wants, which way his mind is turning, and what might make him move ahead or draw back"; he wrote of the need "to conjecture the future through negotiations and incidents." All in all, it seems that he was expected to bring the gifts of a psychologist to the task of a prophet.

He did it very well. Although his lack of wealth kept him from achieving the rank of ambassador--officially a mere envoy, he styled himself, rather grandly, the Florentine Secretary--his unblinking judgments made him the right-hand man of the republic's chief official, Piero Soderini. ...

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