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COPYRIGHT 2008 Journal of Comparative Family Studies
INTRODUCTION
Much research has examined the effect of migration upon individual psychological and sociocultural adaptation (Karasz, 2005; Ahmad, ar al., 2004; Boyd & Grieco, 2003; Darvishpour, 2002). The former is commonly associated with psychological well-being and satisfaction while the later refers to the acquisition of culturally appropriate knowledge and skills (Ataca & Berry, 2002). Little research, however, has examined how migration affects marital relationships, or the processes by which couples adapt to their new circumstances. This is a major limitation to migration research as 'for the most part, it is not individuals who migrate, but intact family groups' (Ataca & Berry, 2002 pg. 15). Information on the impact of migration on marital relationships is doubly important given reported high rates of marital conflict, divorce and intimate partner violence (IPV) in newcomer communities (Stein & Dilmaghani, 2002; Krulfeld, 1994; Kulig, 1994; Tang & Oatley 2002; Naidoo and Davis, 1988).
This paper presents data from a research project conducted with married, divorced and separated newcomer Ethiopians in Toronto. The objectives are to document post-migration changes in the lives of newcomer couples and to examine the impact of post-migration changes on marital relationships.
IMMIGRATION TO CANADA
Every year approximately 250,000 immigrants and refugees arrive in Canada. Over the past 40 years, the ethnic composition of Canada's immigrants has shifted dramatically from European to non-European countries of origin (Van Kessel, 1998). Today, sixty percent of recent immigrants come from Asia and the Middle East (Citizenship & Immigration Canada 2003). The pro-portion of non-European immigrants is even more pronounced in urban centres such as Toronto, where, according to the 2001 census, immigrants represented 44% of the population. This proportion is higher than Miami (40%), Los Angeles (31 %) and New York City (24%) (Citizenship & Immigration Canada, 2003). Many of these immigrants are from areas of the world where the cultural norms, beliefs and values differ from those encountered in Canada. Since the mid-1970's, an estimated 1.25 million Ethiopians have tied their homeland to settle in neighbouring countries, such as the Sudan, Kenya, Djibouti and Yemen. A relatively smaller proportion immigrated to Europe and North America (McSpadden and Moussa 1993). According to the Ethiopian Association in Toronto (EAT), the Ethiopian population of Toronto numbered 35,000 in 2001 and the community is rapidly growing. Although immigration started in the 1970's, the majority of Ethiopians arrived in Canada during the 1980's and 1990's. Data from the Pathways and Barriers to Health Care for Ethiopians in Toronto, an epidemiological survey of Ethiopians in Toronto, indicated that in 1990-2000, the average length of stay in Canada was 9.2 years: the range being between one and 29 years and highly skewed. As in their home country, the Ethiopian community in Toronto is characterized by tremendous diversity with respect to ethnicity and religion. According to the 1996 census, only 3.7% of Ethiopians had no knowledge of English or French upon arrival (Noh, et al., 2001).
RESEARCH ON POST-MIGRATION CHANGES
Migration has a profound impact on the lives of individuals and couples. For women, the process of immigration often includes the acquisition of a new language and culture as well as changes in both social status and income level. Research on immigrant women has identified several post-migration stressors including finding employment, lack of professional accreditation, securing affordable and safe housing, discrimination, losses of social status, isolation, culture shock and linguistic, economic and cultural barriers to necessary health and social services (Thurston & Vissandjee, 2005; Meadows, et al., 2001; Hyman 2002).
For some women, migration may mean an increase in social mobility, economic independence, and relative autonomy. This is especially true when the move is accompanied by increased participation in the labor, market. New economic and social responsibilities may change the distribution of power within the family, leading to greater authority and participation in household decision-making and control over resources. For others, however, labor force participation increases the burden they must carry, unless or until they find new ways of dealing with old roles and responsibilities, particularly those of childcare and housework, and effect a change in the power relationship within the marriage (Boyd & Grieco, 2003; Darvishpour, 2002). Even when migration improves the social status of women, it may not change their relation position within the family.
Stress associated with post migration changes in gender relations is common (Ataca & Berry, 2002; Boyd & Grieco, 2003). Post-migration changes in gender roles have been associated with an increased risk of marital conflict (Krulfeld, 1994; Kulig, 1994). It is well established that marital conflict is a major risk factor for IPV (Jewkes, 2002; Jewkes, Levin, & Penn-Kekana, 2002), a key focus of our research program.
Structural theories such as feminist theory and theories of status inconsistency relate the occurrence of IPV to existing social structures. According to the former, gender inequality and male domination underlie violence against women (Dobash & Dobash, 1979). According to theories of status inconsistency, the family is a power system with variation in the distribution of resources among its members. Those who are threatened by their lack of resources, or perceive their status to be inconsistent with social norms, may use violence as a strategy to compensate for lack of power (Campbell, 1992; Goode, 1971; Yick, 2001).
An American study of Chinese immigrants found that when the husband's role as breadwinner was threatened, power and control was reasserted through the use of physical and psychological forms of abuse (Tang & Oatley 2002). Post-migration changes in gender roles were cited in other U.S. studies as contributing to relationship difficulties and increasing levels of divorce, desertion and domestic violence (Krulfeld. 1994; Kulig, 1994). This was particularly true when the woman's economic role increased with no concurrent change in her husband's gender role attitudes (Min, 2001). Expectations of the wife to perform motherhood and household duties in addition to employment outside the home was cited as a major source of conflict among Canadian South Asian women (Naidoo & Davis. 1988). Similar findings were also noted in a Canadian study in the Sri Lankan Tamil community (Morrison, Guruge, & Snarr, 1999).
Except for the work by Ataca & Berry (2002), however, little research has examined the impact of post-migration change on the couple unit. Our study attempted to address this topic within one Canadian immigrant community, Ethiopian immigrants in Toronto.
METHODS
In 2003, a partnership was formed between EAT and academic researchers to examine the risk factors for marital conflict and intimate partner IPV among Ethiopian newcomer couples in Toronto (Phase 1). In 2005, we examined the same issues among Ethiopian women and men who had separated or divorced post-migration (Phase 2). In this community-based pilot study, all...
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