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A number of social scientists have proposed theoretical models suggesting that social support networks can serve as important buffers from anxiety, loneliness and the like, thereby assisting individuals in maintaining their psychological health (Cohen & Wills, 1985; Rowe & Kahn, 1998; Thoits, 1982; Wann& Hamlet, 1994, 1996). One of the more extensive explanations of the impact of social groups on self-esteem and psychological health is provided by Tajfel (1981) in his social identity theory. Social identity theory posits that individuals prefer and attempt to maintain positive self- and social-identities. By identifying with and maintaining memberships in valued social groups and networks, a person's social-identity can be enhanced, thereby benefiting their overall self-concept (Hogg & Abrams, 1990).
The benefits of social connections are found among many groups, including those who are stigmatized (Crocker & Major, 1989), and in a variety of settings, including sport and physical activity (Bianco & Eklund, 2001). In fact, recent work indicates that social connections are particularly important for stigmatized athletes (Krane, Barber, & McClung, 2002). Further, the benefits of social support are not limited to one's psychology but, rather, also predict both physical health (Cohen, Doyle, Skoner, Rabin, & Gwaltney, 1997) and longevity of life (Rowe & Kahn, 1998).
For many years, authors have suggested that sport fandom is a societal connection that may assist in the maintenance of psychological health (Curtis, Loy, & Karnilowicz, 1986; Eastman & Land, 1997; Melnick, 1993; Pan, Gabert, McGaugh, & Branvold, 1997; Smith, 1988, 1989; Zillmann, Bryant, & Sapolsky, 1989). Indeed, as early as 1929, Brill stated "are you a fan? It is altogether to be hoped, for your psychic health and well-being, that you are" (p. 429). However, until the last decade, claims of the potential psychological benefits of sport fandom had remained largely speculative. To remedy this, Wann and his colleagues have conducted a series of empirical investigations into the relationship between fandom and psychological health. Wann's research program has tested the hypothesis that high levels of identification with (i.e., psychological connection to) a local sport team are related to psychological well-being (see Wann, Melnick, Russell, & Pease, 2001). By identifying with a local sport team, an individual becomes attached to a larger social group. These associations to other fans form the basis for a valuable connection to society at large and serve as a buffer to loneliness, isolation, and so forth. Consequently, those with strong ties to the local team would likely exhibit a more positive psychological profile than those lacking in team identification.
Identification with a distant team and mere sport fandom per se are not expected to provide significant well-being benefits because these factors do not readily lead to social connections, the driving force behind the benefits of team identification (Wann et al., 2001). With respect to identification with a distant team, it is likely difficult for such fans to find and interact with fellow fans of their team. Rather, they are more likely to either be surrounded by fans of rival teams (who may openly dislike and perhaps ridicule the fan's choice) or find that other fans are disinterested in their preferred team. In either situation, it would be difficult to generate social connections through their association with their team. In the case of general fandom, again, the important social connections that accompany identification with a local team are lacking. Social support benefits result from active group participation in an activity, not simple interest (Rowe & Kahn, 1998). For instance, sport consumption can easily be done in the privacy of one's own home via television, radio, and the Internet. Certainly, fans can commune with one another, regardless of their level of interest in any one team (e.g., Monday morning water cooler conversations following Sunday football games). However, interacting with others who share in one's passion for a specific team or player adds an additional interpersonal link. One need only watch the interactions occurring at tail-gating parties to see this in action. Simply put, there is likely to be a greater bond between two die-hard fans of a specific team than between two die-hard fans of a specific sport (similar to the bond that fans of a specific musical group feel, versus the bond felt by fans of a specific type of music). Such logic is supported by decades of research indicating that interpersonal attraction, cohesion, and the like are strongly linked to the similarity of the parties involved (Hendrick & Hendrick, 1992; Kelley et al., 1983; Turner, 1999).
Wann's first attempt to empirically examine the team identification-psychological health relationship involved college students who completed the Sport Spectator Identification Scale (SSIS; Wann & Branscombe, 1993) for their university's men's basketball team and scales assessing personal self-esteem and depression (Branscombe & Wann, 1991). Consistent with expectations, the results revealed a positive correlation between level of identification and self-esteem and a negative correlation between identification and frequency of depression. Branscombe and Wann found that higher levels of identification were positively correlated with the frequency of positive emotions and negatively correlated with the frequency of negative emotions and alienation. Warm (1994) was able to replicate the relationship between identification and self-esteem using collective (i.e., social) self-esteem.
A somewhat more extensive examination of the psychological health of highly identified sport fans was recently published by Wann, Inman, Ensor, Gates, and Caldwell (1999). These authors used the SSIS to classify college students into two groups: those with...
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