AccessMyLibrary provides FREE access to over 30 million articles from top publications available through your library.
Create a link to this page
Copy and paste this link tag into your Web page or blog:
On June 28, the United States transferred power from the occupying coalition to the Iraqi provisional government led by Iyad Allawi.
A little more than a week later, John Kerry's selection of North Carolina senator John Edwards as his running mate signaled a formal power transfer of a different kind: the handover of the Democratic Party from Organized Labor to Trial Lawyers. Neither of the other building blocks of the Democratic Party were in a position to assume control: The solid South has joined the other team, and the African-American vote, though the largest Democratic voting group, has only been employed to row the Democratic boat, not invited to steer.
John Edwards' status as the tribune of the small-but-wealthy-and-powerful trial lawyer class is his only asset. He doesn't bring a state to the ticket, as Lyndon Johnson did with Texas in 1960. He doesn't bring ideological balance as Joe Lieberman did for the more liberal Gore; as Nixon did for Eisenhower; and as George H. W. Bush did for Reagan.
In fact, Edwards is running for Vice President partly because his left-of-center voting record would have made it difficult for him to get elected to a second term. While John Kerry was rated the most liberal senator by National Journal, Edwards was tied for second most liberal with two others--Ted Kennedy and Barbara Boxer.
And Edwards doesn't bring gravitas or experience. He had no political role before his now less-than-one term as senator.
The selection of Edwards has energized the sleepy part of the center-right coalition--businessmen and women, the self-employed, and professionals like doctors. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce announced that while it has never bothered to make an endorsement in a Presidential campaign in the past, it is making one against the trial lawyer Edwards. The Democrat who runs the National Association of Manufacturers is doing the same.
Republican politicians in the 1940s and '50s used to rail against the labor union bosses. At that time, strikes ...