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The State of Welfare: An old and tricky question resurfaces.

National Review

| February 11, 2002 | O'BEIRNE, KATE | COPYRIGHT 2002 National Review, Inc. This material is published under license from the publisher through the Gale Group, Farmington Hills, Michigan.  All inquiries regarding rights should be directed to the Gale Group. (Hide copyright information)Copyright

This year, Congress must reauthorize the welfare reforms that President Clinton so reluctantly signed in 1996. Disaffected liberals are using this as an opportunity for a dramatic overhaul of that dramatic overhaul, while conservatives hope to push for tougher reforms on top of those tough reforms. President Bush's national victory lap with Sen. Ted Kennedy to celebrate their collaboration on education reform prompted nervous conservatives to wonder whether there will be a similar duet extolling bipartisan welfare reform.

"It's not yet clear how compassionate conservatism differs from [Ted] Kennedy liberalism on welfare issues," says Robert Rector of the Heritage Foundation. Rector points to the increases that Bush proposed in his first budget for a host of social-welfare programs, including after-school day care, Head Start, and the Senior Corps. In recent days, the White House has been trumpeting similar increases in this year's budget proposal. Among what the Washington Post called "nuggets of good news" are an increase of $364 million for the Women, Infants, and Children nutrition program and a $73 million expansion of the Job Corps. Rector's beef is that these spending increases aren't accompanied by any conservative reforms. "The reason so many mothers and children are in need of food assistance is that over a million children a year are born out of wedlock," he says. And the federal Job Corps program doesn't appear to meet the Bush standard of investing in programs with successful track records: One study frequently cited by conservative critics found that the Job Corps program boosted its participants' wages by 60 cents an hour-at a cost of $20,000 a head.

What the Bush administration should be doing is trumpeting the compassionate results of the GOP-designed welfare reform, which was based on the conviction that destructive federal welfare policies discouraged work and subsidized illegitimacy. In 1996, Congress replaced the failed entitlement program of Aid to Families with Dependent Children with a new fixed-grant program, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF). Work requirements were imposed, along with a lifetime limit of five years' assistance. Marian Wright Edelman, president of the Children's Defense Fund, predicted that the changes would "impoverish millions of American children" and "leave a moral blot on [Clinton's] presidency." Then-Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan called it "the most brutal act of social policy we have known since Reconstruction"-but the 1996 reforms have in fact dramatically improved the lives of poor children.

Since 1996, welfare rolls have been reduced by over 50 percent. There are 4.2 million fewer people in poverty, including 2.3 million fewer children. The poverty rate for black children is at the lowest point in history, as is the poverty rate for single mothers. According to the Department of Agriculture, there are 2 million fewer hungry children today than in 1996, and, after steadily increasing for a generation, the illegitimate-birth rate hasn't risen in the past five years.

In the coming round of reform, conservatives are determined to build on the success of the 1996 reforms with more of the same. Robert Rector argues that current federal work requirements should be strengthened so that all able-bodied recipients are being trained, working, looking for work, or performing community service. The conservatives on the House Republican Study Committee would like to see the work requirements that now apply to cash assistance extended to food stamps and public housing. And conservative reformers ...

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