Patterns of Adult Male Coresidence Among Young Children of Adolescent Mothers.

Summary

This article uses data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth to examine the coresidence patterns of children and adult males during the first three years of a child's life, with special attention to the children of adolescent mothers. Overall, the most common experience was for the children to have an adult male present over the full period. However, there were differences by race and the mother's age when she gave birth. For example, 83 percent of white children and 47 percent of black children born to mothers aged 20 or older lived with an adult male during their entire early childhood, while three quarters of white children and fewer than one-third of black children born to mothers younger than 18 had a male present in their household over their first three years. Among both races, children of older mothers were significantly more likely than others to be born into a household where an adult male was present. The stability of male coresidence varied significantly by the mother's age among white ch ildren, but not among blacks. Overall, black children experienced more changes in male coresidence than whites. Finally, the likelihood that the adult male would be married to the mother was positively associated with white race and the age of the mother when she gave birth.

Introduction

The detrimental impact of adolescent childbearing on the mother's later development and life chances has been well documented. Compared with women who postpone childbearing, early childbearers tend to have lower educational and occupational attainment, experience more marital instability and rely more on welfare. (1) Although the effects on children of being born to teenage mothers are generally presumed to be negative, comparatively little is known about the consequences over these children's life course. (2) However, poor cognitive and intellectual performance (relative to that of children of older mothers) has been identified as early as the preschool years and is most pronounced among boys. (3) Children of adolescent mothers also appear to be at greater risk of behavioral problems. (4) These effects appear to be stronger for boys, for blacks and for school-age children. (5) As adolescents, children of teenage mothers show even greater disadvantages, exhibiting high rates of academic failure, delinquency, early sexual initiation and substance abuse. (6)

One important factor that may protect against some of the problems associated with being born to a teenager is the presence of a child's father or another adult male. A resident adult male may provide increased income and other resources for the child's family. In addition, research suggests that contact with adult males promotes children's cognitive and social development in general. (7) Among infants, mental test scores are positively associated with the extent of contact with the father. (8) For older children, paternal participation in the family is positively associated with preschool cognitive performance, especially in boys. Similar findings have been reported specifically for the children of teenage parents. (9)

The presence of a father in the home may also promote positive social development. Among the preschool children of teenage parents, those from homes without fathers show poorer social adjustment and more behavioral problems than those having a father present. (10) Research on older children indicates a relationship between the absence of fathers and delinquency. (11) Some studies have found that the presence of stepfathers at least partly compensates for a missing biological father. (12) In other cases, stepfathers do not appear to make up for the loss. (13) Of course, the impact of a resident adult male may not always be positive; the child-abuse literature suggests that the presence of an adult male may sometimes prove to be detrimental to a child's well- being. (14)

Despite the potential significance of a male's presence for the well-being of high-risk children, we know little about children's patterns of coresidence with adult males. Most attempts to document such patterns have focused on the consequences of divorce and have not explicitly compared children of early childbearers with those of older parents. (15) In addition, children's living experiences with males other than their biological fathers have been virtually ignored.