A Friend Indeed.(George W. Bush in Europe)(Brief Article)

They don't call him l'Americano for nothing. Italian Prime Minster Silvio Berlusconi proved last week that he'll say and do (almost) anything to be America's new best friend in Europe. Berlusconi turned his post-G8 meeting in Rome with George W. Bush into a love fest, complete with backslaps and an endorsement of the president's highly unpopular missile-defense program. When dealing with Dubya, "everything is simple," the prime minister proclaimed--inviting gags from his Gallic neighbors. But then came last week's environmental summit in Bonn. Despite agreeing with Bush that Kyoto was bad for business, Italy voted with the rest of the world--178 to zip in favor of the treaty.

It was a telling sign. At a time when America stands isolated and out of sync with its allies, the Bush administration needs all the friends it can get. And it's finding them, schmoozing fellow right-centrists in a bid to divide (though probably not conquer) the continent. In June, on the way to gaze deep into Vladimir Putin's soul, Bush swapped jokes in Spain with Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar, then swooped into Poland to reaffirm America's "deep friendship" there. Before the tear gas and firebombs of Genoa, Bush flew to London, bolstering a "special" but strained relationship with Britain. Afterward, it was off to Rome and the warmer welcome of Berlusconi. Yet while Italy, Spain, Poland and even Russia are embracing the American president, it's hard to escape the obvious. These aren't the big powers of Europe. France and Germany eye the "cowboy" in the White House with caution. As for the "new" friendships, the big question is how deep do they go--and what can they deliver? By courting them to the exclusion of the biggies, Bush may be playing it smart. But to many it looks like choosing a basketball team from the cheerleading squad--ignoring Michael Jordan and Shaquille O'Neal.

Take Spain. It's pro-Americanism is probably the most authentic. The two countries enjoy real cultural and economic ties. In June both leaders spoke often of their hispanismo, or shared Spanish-speaking culture. The United States accounts for more than half of all direct foreign investment in Spain, and Spain's reconquista has made it one of the largest investors in the Americas. All this renders it easier for Aznar to support the United States' push on missile defense. "Aznar has positioned himself cleverly," says Francois Heisbourg, director of the Foundation for Strategic Research in Paris. "Spain wants to be in the big-European-countries club. Being able to speak up for the U.S. on issues like missiles makes them feel as if they are." But what does the United States get out of it? Spain takes over the EU presidency in 2002--good news for Washington. But face it, Spain isn't even in the G7.

If Spain wins credits for its quiet, tactful approach to the U.S. relationship, Italy and Poland have opted for unbridled boostership. Already scorned within Europe, Berlusconi has little to lose and much to gain by breaking with the other EU nations on issues like missile defense. With more than a healthy dash of wishful thinking, he aims to burnish his standing by becoming the go-to guy in the trans-Atlantic relationship, supposedly displacing Britain. "Berlusconi was much criticized during his campaign by Europe's ...