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On April 2, 2008, the Zimbabwe Election Committee publicly confirmed that President Robert Mugabe and his party, the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), had lost control of the Parliament to the main opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change, and its leader Morgan Tsvangirai. At the time, Mugabe had been the leader of Zimbabwe since 1980, first as the country's prime minister (1980-87) and then as president (1987-present). During his reign, he acquired a reputation as one of the world's most brutal dictators. The reputation was well deserved because his government engaged in a wide array of human rights violations (see Human Rights Watch 2007, 4, 10, 171-77). As one would expect from someone of Mugabe's ilk, he refused to respect the election results and cede his power. Instead, he and his followers responded by arresting and violently brutalizing his opposition.
Despite claims of victory by Tsvangirai and his party, the ruling ZANU-PF announced on April 4 that a runoff election would determine the winner. On May 2, among claims of vote fraud and manipulation, the Zimbabwe Election Committee seconded the calls for a runoff between Mugabe and Tsvangirai. Although the runoff did take place in late June, Tsvangirai was not present because he had been forced to flee the country owing to threats against his life. His supporters were likewise threatened by violence, imprisoned, or killed by Mugabe's supporters. In late June 2008, Mugabe won the sham runoff, which in reality was a one-person race.
Leaders around the world quickly denounced Mugabe for his actions during the election process. Yet, despite denouncing him and his brutality, governments of developed countries have provided billions of dollars in aid (a combination of official development assistance [ODA] and military aid) to his government during his reign. This aid has ironically contributed to his ability to stay in power, even though his regime is the antithesis of liberal democracy and is characterized by widespread corruption and brutality against Zimbabwe's citizens, as illustrated by his actions in the recent election.
Mugabe is not the only dictator to receive significant aid from the governments of developed countries. Indeed, a consideration of the world's worst dictators indicates that world leaders, even while publicly condemning these dictators' gross violations of basic civil, human, and political rights, have been generous with foreign aid to the most brutal dictators. As in the case of Mugabe in Zimbabwe, the aid allows these dictators to consolidate their positions, remain in power, and sustain their brutal and corrupt methods. This assistance ultimately imposes significant costs on ordinary citizens in the countries these dictators rule. As Mugabe's case illustrates, dictators tend to rule through brute force. They also make few, if any, investments in their citizens and their countries. Therefore, citizens suffer not only through the constant threat of physical violence, but also through continued economic stagnation and underdevelopment.
In this article, we review and analyze the foreign aid delivered to the world's top living dictators. Also considered is why aid to these dictators fails to generate change for the better. At least rhetorically, the governments of developed countries provide aid to poor countries to facilitate development and movement toward liberal institutions that protect basic rights. Despite these good intentions, aid has failed to generate sustainable change in the countries that the world's worst dictators rule.
The tyrants we consider are the worst of the worst. They are corrupt and engage in gross violations of basic civil, property, and political rights. They rule through violence and are subject to few, if any, constraints on their behavior. As such, they impose significant costs on the citizens of the countries they rule and provide few, if any, benefits. Further, even though leaders of developed countries around the world are very aware of these regimes' brutal and oppressive nature and speak out strongly against their actions, they continue to send development assistance and military aid to them. This aid not only rewards the dictators' behavior, but freezes the status quo and prevents change. If the governments of developed countries are truly committed to spreading liberal values and institutions (that is, economic, social, and political institutions), an important step in doing so is to stop providing aid to the world's worst dictators. (1)
Making the World Safe for Autocracy
Source: HighBeam Research, With friends like these, who needs enemies? Aiding the world's worst...