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Introduction
Nepal's interim parliament declared the country as a 'federal democratic republic' on 28 December 2007. This is a historic declaration. The Maoist Chairman Prachanda claims that the monarchy has been legitimately ended. However, people will long be debating whether or not Nepal has formally become a republican state on the same day, because only the first meeting of the elected Constituent Assembly (CA) will remove the king properly.
After a long silence, King Gyanendra expressed his disenchantment, first to a local journalist, then to a foreign press, Yomiuri Shimbun in Kathmandu. He said, "The decision doesn't reflect the view of the majority of the people. This is not democracy." This makes it clear that King Gyanendra is desperate to save the obsolete monarchy with a hope to continue the regime. On 7 January 2008, the only known royalists' party, the National Democratic Party (Nepal) took to the streets against the move in Kathmandu and announced that they would continue fighting to retain the monarchy in Nepal.
When the CA election date was fixed for 10 April 2008 the people were doubtful about the date, as it was been deferred twice in the past. Furthermore, the law and order situation in the country deteriorating because of the unabated violence in the Tarai and protests organised elsewhere by several organizations affiliated to indigenous nationalities (Janajatis), women and disadvantaged, oppressed low caste groups (Dalits).
It is notable that when the 2006 people's movement was launched, the target was the authoritarian monarchy. People of all walks of life including Janajatis, the Madheshis, Dalits and women participated in the movement to defeat the king with the hope of turning Nepal into an inclusive, accommodating and democratic state where all could enjoy equal rights and equal share in the state power. All of these groups have remained oppressed and neglected for almost two and half centuries under the Shah rulers. The high caste Hill Hindu Bahuns and Chetris controlled the power structure. However, after the 2006 change, the state power has just shifted from the king to the same high caste Hill Hindu Bahun and Chetri elites led by the party politician GP Koirala, who became Prime Minister five times. His interest in Bahun supremacy did very little to change the faith of the oppressed and disadvantaged section of the society. The Bahun and Chetri elites cannily sidelined all these neglected groups when the interim constitution was promulgated on 15 January 2007. This time the 'revolutionary Maoists' who fought a guerrilla war against the 'feudal centralised state' also supported the interim constitution as such disregarding their earlier commitment to 'empower' all these oppressed segments of the society. The Maoists joined the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) to bring down the king, Then they shared state power with their one time 'class enemies' that had forced them to resort to arms. As a result, all the Janajatis and the Madheshi remained dissatisfied content and Madheshis led to violence in the Tarai coinciding with the promulgation of the interim constitution. The Government showed little interest to solve the issue fearing that it would help the Maoists, therefore, and the Tarai problem in parliament escalated. With the Tarai burning affecting the economy and security of the country the CA elections became uncertain.
The Shah dynasty's successor
Since Nepal has been declared a republic, the burning question now is how to replace the system of monarchy. Many scholars such as Marie Lecomte-Tilouine (2004) have presumed that the Maoists leadership under the hill Bahun elites might well succeed the king. Analysing the fierce warrior strategy that the Maoist has applied during their war against the feudal kingship, she presented the Bahun leadership of the Maoists to be the most likely successor of the Shah kings. However, monarchy was not militarily defeated. They joined hands with the SPA to defeat the king, through peaceful Jana Andolan, and joined the government accepting GP Koirala, a 'bourgeois' chieftain as an all-powerful Prime Minister and the head of state of the 'New Nepal'. (1) The Maoists wished to turn the victory only for them to succeed as the new rulers of the country and saviours of all the oppressed and disadvantaged groups in Nepal, but that did not happen. Therefore, they repeatedly demanded to make Nepal a republic instantly and Koirala to become the first president. The latter refused; he wanted to wait until the CA election. The Maoist party began projecting its top leader Prachanda as the only viable candidate for the 'first president of Nepal'. We will have to wait until the CA election to see if the people will accept the projection.
Source: HighBeam Research, The end of monarchy in Nepal and its delicate journey towards a...