Commercial media literacy: what does it do, to whom--and does it matter?

The extant literature contains multiple definitions of media literacy, most of which are broadly focused (Considine 2002; Kavoori and Matthews 2004; Lewis and Jhally 1998), but generally offering variations on the following: "The ability to access, analyze, evaluate and communicate messages in a wide variety of forms" (Aufderheide 1993, cited in Hobbs 1998, p. 16).

Commercial media literacy is also defined in very general terms in the literature, if it is defined at all. For example, Austin and Johnson refer only to the achievement of "a greater understanding of the persuasive intent behind advertising" (1997a, p. 21). The assumption appears to be that adults as well as children may be "forewarned," which activates cognitive defenses against persuasive communication (Wood and Quinn 2003; Wright, Friestad, and Boush 2005). Much discussion of commercial media literacy in the literature is limited to advertising in traditional media rather than encompassing the wide range of marketing communications to which children may be potentially exposed (Austin and Johnson 1997a, 1997b; Buckingham 1998, 2004). In this paper, the focus is on media literacy as it applies to commercial content within a range of consumer media forms, including new electronic media and hybrid media that increasingly blur the borders between advertising, information, and entertainment (Grigorovici and Constantin 2004; Livingstone 2004; Shrum 2004; Silverstone 2004; Rothenberg 2002).

The review of media literacy initiatives that follows is situated within the growing criticism of some facets of marketing activity, particularly marketing communication directed at children (see, e.g., McLellan 2002). The marketing industry is facing increased pressure over claimed links between exposure to food advertising and a range of social problems, especially growing obesity levels (see, e.g., Centre for Science in the Public Interest 2002; Ludwig, Peterson, and Gortmaker 2001; Smith 2003). While there is growing evidence that the influence of marketing on dietary and lifestyle choices is small in relation to a number of other factors (Eagle et al. 2004; Livingstone 2005), industry cannot claim that its effects are totally benign. Indeed, some marketing academics concede that "marketing is directly implicated in some preventative health-care issues" (Goldberg 1995, p. 350).

This does not imply that persuasive communication is intentionally deceptive, but rather that children's relatively undeveloped cognitive skills, described by Moses and Baldwin (2005, p. 156) as being akin to "immunodeficiency," means that they are at greater risk of being misled by persuasive communication than adults. Media literacy education and training has long been proposed as a necessary intervention to protect consumers, especially children, from the negative impact of persuasive communication such as advertising and product placement, and to enable children to make informed choices before purchasing or requesting products (Armstrong and Brucks 1988; Kennedy 2004; Rogers 2002). Several substantial media literacy interventions have been developed with input from the marketing industry, or by organizations affiliated with it (CCA 2004; Media Smart 2003a).

While such interventions are claimed to be designed to encourage children to be critical of commercial messages in general, critics of the marketing industry suggest that the motivation is simply to be seen to address a problem created by the industry itself, that is, the negative social impacts to which marketing activity has contributed (Goldberg 1995). Industry-sponsored media literacy program organizers counter with claims that such programs were developed voluntarily and have been operating for a considerable period of time. In Canada at least, media literacy interventions have operated for over 15 years--well before issues such as childhood obesity gained prominent focus (Loblaw 2001).

By contributing media literacy education resources, the marketing industry is positioning itself as being part of the solution to these problems, thereby seeking to avoid wide restrictions or outright bans on marketing communication, particularly for food products deemed to have little nutritional value directed at children (Kleinman 2003a; Rogers 2002; Teinowitz 2001). The need to be seen to be taking positive action primarily to avert potential restrictions on advertising is openly acknowledged by some sectors of the industry itself (Cincotta 2005). Furthermore, Hobbs (1998) suggests that such programs are also in the interest of media organizations that support the interventions to reduce criticism of the potential negative effects of the media themselves. Considine (2002) somewhat cynically suggests that there is also an element of exploitation of the issue of media literacy by all parties simply for its rhetorical value.

While the increasing amount of criticism of the tactics employed by marketers of products for which children form a substantial market would appear to indicate the need for exemplary socially responsible behavior by these organizations, there are numerous reports of some food marketers focusing on, and conducting, research among preschoolers (Kunkel 2005). Suspicion regarding industry's motivations in providing media literacy resources is therefore unsurprising in view of what appears to be an implicit belief by some sectors of the marketing industry that good citizenship in some areas can counter somewhat questionable behaviors in others (Cincotta 2005; Geraci 2004). The cynicism expressed by the industry's critics is further fueled by revelations such as the contradiction between when marketers believe that it may be appropriate to market to young people and the age at which they believe children can make intelligent choices, as shown in Table 1.