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Winning on immigration: the merits of guts.(CAPITOL HILL)

National Review

| July 17, 2006 | O'Beirne, Kate | COPYRIGHT 2006 National Review, Inc. This material is published under license from the publisher through the Gale Group, Farmington Hills, Michigan.  All inquiries regarding rights should be directed to the Gale Group. (Hide copyright information)Copyright

WHILE talking to reporters about immigration reform recently, Sen. John Cornyn, Republican of Texas, floated a tantalizing option available to the House that would bedevil the Senate. "What if the House passed just the enforcement provisions of the Senate bill and sent it back to us?" Cornyn wondered aloud. When he was asked whether he'd vote for just those sections of the Senate's "comprehensive" bill, he replied with a chuckle, "I'd sure take a look at it." Later that week, House Republican leaders announced plans to hold hearings across the country on border security and on the most controversial provisions of a bill they have dubbed the "Reid-Kennedy" bill; and the "Border Security First Act" was introduced in the Senate by Pennsylvania Republican Rick Santorum.

In Washington's immigration-reform script, congressional Republicans have been cast as villains intent on blocking enlightened policies--but they are refusing to play the part of spoilers. They are instead spoiling for a fight they are confident they can win.

Rather than merely blocking action on a Senate bill they refuse to support, a unified House GOP caucus has decided to go on offense in order to wring the maximum political credit from being on the right side of their reading of public opinion. Because House Republicans fear the appearance of compromising with a Senate bill they are convinced is wildly unpopular, they have--according to a leadership aide--no intention of taking part in a conference to hammer out differences between the House and Senate unless "there is a sea change in either public or Senate opinion." The "Tancredo Republicans" the Wall Street Journal rails against as being out of touch with public sentiment include the majority of Republicans in the House and Senate. (Rep. Tom Tancredo, a Colorado Republican, is contemplating running for president on a border-security platform, hence the Journal's phrase.)

The White House is touting a recent poll commissioned by the Manhattan Institute claiming that likely Republican voters are clamoring for "comprehensive" reform, including "earned citizenship" for illegal aliens; Wall Street Journal editors profess to be unaware of any contradictory polling evidence of public sentiment. But congressional Republicans who will be facing the voters are firmly convinced that backing border security now will mean job security in November.

The mid-June Tarrance Group survey of likely Republican voters found that 75 percent favored tougher border security, a crackdown on employers who hire illegal workers, and earned legalization for illegal aliens. The survey asked respondents about a proposal under which current illegal aliens would have to pay a fine, pay taxes, learn English, and go to the back of the line before being granted citizenship. A House GOP leadership aide scoffed at the poll as providing what Republican members consider a misleading summary of the Senate plan. (For example, under the Senate's bill illegal aliens will form a wholly new line--one that permits them to remain legally in the U.S.)

The leadership aide explains that, in any case, the GOP members' position on this issue doesn't rest on poll results. He allows that politicians can sometimes misread the public mood, but says that "this time the mood is so overwhelming, they can't miss it." Voters aren't waiting for a pollster to call to express their views on illegal immigration. In phone calls, in writing, and in person they are letting their congressmen know where they stand. Even the more liberal ...

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