A theory-based approach to understanding sexual behavior at Mardi Gras.

Mardi Gras is an annual festival in New Orleans that begins 47 days before Easter and ends the Tuesday before Ash Wednesday (Gotham, 2002; Sexton, 1999). Its roots are grounded in French culture, as early explorers brought the tradition of Mardi Gras with them to Louisiana (Gotham; Sexton, 1999). The French originated the now-famous masked balls and parties in the early 1700s; however, by the late 1700s, Spanish governors banned these festivities (Gotham). Mardi Gras celebrations returned to the city by the early 1800s, and in order to preserve the festivities, a secret society of men called the Mystic Krewe of Comus planned the first official Mardi Gras parade in 1857. Today Mardi Gras symbolizes a time to celebrate the rich culture and history of New Orleans. Parades, costumes, and beads permeate the environment from morning to night (Gotham). Also synonymous with Mardi Gras, however, are the wild crowds, the abundance of alcohol consumption, and public sexual expression (Shrum & Kilburn, 1996). Noise levels are high, peaking at 90 decibels. The smell is acrid, with beer and alcoholic beverages being consumed, spilled, and crushed underfoot on busy, colorful streets teeming with people (Shrum & Kilburn). Exposed body parts, public sex acts, and flashed breasts, buttocks, and penises are commonplace in many of the parade areas (Redmon, 2003a).

Mardi Gras behaviors have been studied most commonly from the sociological perspective. Researchers have noted that during Mardi Gras, behaviors are permitted that are normally considered socially inappropriate (Forsyth, 1992). In fact, some have argued that the festival actually encourages the inversion of standard norms of public conduct (Jankowiak & White, 1999). Redmon (2003a) labeled this behavior "playful deviance." Playful deviance occurs most frequently when groups of tourists travel to leisure locations and engage in types of behaviors that they would not normally enact at home. Most often these places of leisure are located inside "themed environments" and incorporate a series of normative instructions for how to perform playful deviance. Goffman (1959) suggested that three criteria must be fulfilled for playful deviance to occur: (a) the setting and props for the behaviors must be appropriate; (b) individuals must choose the setting to enact the deviant behaviors and terminate the behaviors upon departure from the locale; and (c) the setting must offer protection from social sanction for the individuals engaging in the behaviors.

All of these specifications are met at Mardi Gras. The Mardi Gras environment is replete with symbols distinguishing its unique cultural context. Images and themes of eroticism, public nudity, public sex, and alcohol consumption encourage tourists to participate in the festivities as a part of legitimate fun (Redmon, 2003a). Wearing beads and masks transforms the individual into a performer engaging in behavior that would otherwise be considered inappropriate (Jankowiak & White, 1999). Mardi Gras behaviors are short-lived, specific, and localized to the Bourbon Street area (Redmon, 2003a; Shrum & Kilburn, 1996). Participants in playful deviance feel safe engaging in a range of typically taboo behaviors with relative security (Redmon, 2002). The anonymity of the massive, likeminded crowd protects the individual from stigma and judgement. It is well-known that "what one does during Mardi Gras does not count as a mark on one's character" (Forsyth, 1992, p. 395). In fact, crowds at Mardi Gras embrace and reward sexualized behaviors (Redmon, 2003a).

Mardi Gras has also been considered a "time out" place (Jankowiak & White, 1999) or, similarly, a "backspace" (Redmon, 2003a). A backspace is an area where individuals can transgress norms and participate in playful deviance without fear of reproach. This concept has also been described as "liminality"--a sense of inhabiting a margin or space where social rights and obligations may be temporarily suspended (Apostolopoulos, Sonmez, & Yu, 2002; Ford & Eiser, 1996, Shields, 1990). The more specific term of "situational disinhibition" has also been suggested to describe these phenomena since behaviors occur as a result of decreased inhibitions within a specific environment (Maticka-Tyndale, Herold, & Oppermann, 2003). Consumption of large quantities of alcohol further loosens restraints, facilitates entry into liminoid states, and contributes to the sense of otherworldness for the participants (Crowe & George, 1989; Redmon, 2002; Sexton, 2001). In qualitative study of playful deviance at Mardi Gras (Redmon, 2003a), participants described their behaviors as "not real life," "out of time," and "in another world." Within a holiday experience, liminality might represent a removal of constraints on personal behavior, increased sexual contact with new friends, and enhanced recklessness with regard to casual sexual behavior (Ford & Eiser, 1996).

Sociologists have attempted to study what characteristics of individuals lend themselves to immersion in the Mardi Gras festivities and playful deviance. Social control theory has been put forth to explain such behaviors. Social control theorists suggest that lack of connections or ties to the community lead to deviant acts (Redmon, 2002). Low self-control theory has also been used as a framework for understanding deviant behavior. Individuals who participate fully in the Mardi Gras environment might not perceive the negative consequences of their actions; instead, they develop an immediate-gratification orientation (Redmon, 2003b). No support has been found for these theories. Mardi Gras provides an opportunity to escape the rules and boundaries that social and self-control create and maintain in everyday life. Further, some researchers have discounted the importance of background variables, such as personality attributes, in influencing deviance in favor of emphasizing foreground variables, such as characteristics of the immediate environment (Katz, 1988).

Public health and sexuality researchers have also acknowledged the important role context can play in shaping sexual behaviors. In particular, the Triandis theory of interpersonal behavior has been used to identify important predictors of sexual behaviors, including characteristics of the situation and personality variables (Maticka-Tyndale, Herold, & Mewhinney, 1998; Matricka-Tyndale et al., 2003). The Triandis theory of interpersonal behavior (TIB) is similar to other cognitive models, such as the theory of reasoned action and the theory of planned behavior (Bamberg & Schmidt, 2003; Boyd & Wandersman, 1991; Godin et al., 1996). These models emphasize the role intentions play in determining behaviors, and how attitudes and values combine to create intentions. Triandis goes beyond these concepts in his tri-level model by adding a previous experience construct he labels "habit" and the presence of conditions that may facilitate or hinder its performance (Boyd & Wandersman; Godin et al.; Triandis, 1977, 1980, 1994). At the first level, he theorizes about how personal characteristics (such as gender, race, and social class) and prior experiences shape personal attitudes, beliefs, and social norms related to behavior. At the second level, Triandis explains how cognition, affect, social determinants, and personal normative beliefs influence the formation of intentions with regard to a specific behavior (Godin et al.). Finally, at the third level, Triandis proposes that intentions regarding the behavior, prior experience with the behavior (or very similar behaviors), and situational conditions predict whether or not the individual will engage in the behavior (Triandis, 1980). The TIB has been particularly effective at explaining complex behaviors that may be impacted by the social or physical environment.

Most relevant for sexual health research are the constructs situated at the second and third levels, for these are perhaps the constructs that lend themselves to change through intervention. Cognitive and affective components work together with social determinants and personal normative beliefs at the second level of Triandis theory to predict intentions to engage in a behavior (Triandis, 1980, 1994). The cognitive and affective components refer to judgments and feelings the individual may have regarding the behavior of interest. Specifically, the cognitive component is evaluative of the probable consequences of engaging in the behavior (e.g., good/bad, positive/negative, responsible/irresponsible). The affective component refers to feelings one might anticipate as a result of engaging in the behavior (e.g., glad/sad, empowered/disempowered, proud/guilty). The social determinants at the second level incorporate role beliefs and subjective social norms. The perceptions regarding what is appropriate for a member in one's position make up role beliefs. For example, the individual evaluates whether engaging in a behavior would be acceptable for someone of his ...