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A new GOP?(The Political Parties in Flux (I))(Republican party)

The Public Interest

| September 22, 2004 | Ceaser, James W.; Disalvo, Daniel | COPYRIGHT 2004 The National Affairs, Inc. This material is published under license from the publisher through the Gale Group, Farmington Hills, Michigan.  All inquiries regarding rights should be directed to the Gale Group. (Hide copyright information)Copyright

THE midterm elections of 2002 brought the Republican party to the high point of its political strength in the modern era. For the first time since 1954, Republicans held the presidency as well as a majority in both the House and the Senate. President George W. Bush had led his party to gains in both houses of Congress, an unusual achievement for an incumbent party in a midterm election, and this victory seemed to provide him, for a moment at least, with the popular mandate he failed to win in the 2000 election. Republicans also had the edge in the states, with a majority of governors and control of slightly more state legislative chambers.

The GOP had clearly come a long way since 1980, when Democrats dominated at the national and state levels. Except for the presidency, where the GOP had fared well since 1952, the Republican party of that era looked like--and, more importantly, acted like--a permanent minority. But the electorate's perception of failure in Democratic leadership under President Jimmy Carter, both domestically and internationally, opened the door to a Republican revival. Ronald Reagan's election in 1980 as an apostle of national optimism and renewed resolve in foreign affairs started a slow-moving electoral wave, punctuated by a powerful surge in 1994, in favor of Republicans. As shown in Table 1, the Republican party during this period has managed to achieve at least parity with the Democrats, if not a slight advantage, and by most accounts Republicans have done more than Democrats to set the agenda of American politics. Two of the major accomplishments of Bill Clinton's presidency, the North American Free Trade Agreement and welfare reform, were in fact "Republican" measures.

Will Republicans be able to maintain and consolidate their current position, or has the party now reached a peak from which its support will begin to ebb? Electoral analysts generally approach this question by studying voter groups and demographic trends. This method may be effective up to a point, but it ignores the impact of major events--those famous "tides in the affairs of men"--that can determine a party's fortunes. A moment of this kind is now at hand. President Bush has identified the Republican party with a distinct foreign policy, which he has justified by recourse to certain fixed and universal principles--namely that, in his words, "liberty is the design of nature" and that "freedom is the right and the capacity of all mankind." Not since Lincoln has the putative head of the Republican party so actively sought to ground the party in a politics of natural right. This has led his Democratic opponent, John Kerry, to brand the Bush administration the most "ideological" of recent times. Victory for President Bush in November will surely vindicate his policies and principles. Defeat will mean, at a minimum, a curtailment of the Bush foreign policy, and will also likely bring an end to his understanding of the Republican party.

Who are today's Republicans?

To listen to the Republican party's numerous detractors, the GOP today is a "coalition of the willing" made up of white racists from the South and rural regions, religious fanatics, the rich (but only the greedy among them), plus a handful of neoconservative Jewish intellectuals. This characterization, while perhaps unusually crude as political portraits go, can serve as a useful template for analysis.

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