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Honour, shame and the sexuality of women in modern Turkish literature: 1960-1980.

Kadin/Woman 2000

| June 01, 2002 | Gulendam, Ramazan | COPYRIGHT 2002 Eastern Mediterranean University. This material is published under license from the publisher through the Gale Group, Farmington Hills, Michigan.  All inquiries regarding rights should be directed to the Gale Group. (Hide copyright information)Copyright

Abstract

This article is concerned with the position of women in Turkish society since 1960, and the portrayal of these women in selected novels, short stories and plays by Turkish authors from 1960 until 1980. It examines whether the subordination of women in society is ascribed in literary works to their supposed innate inferiority as women, or is shown to be a consequence of women's circumscribed position and limited possibilities. It investigates literary interpretations of the concept of honour and shame and the nature of female sexuality, as well as analysing the portrayals of women in their different roles: from familial and domestic to independent and revolutionary. This study illustrates the extent to which literature appears to reinforce old ideas and expectations about women, and how much it tends towards a deeper analysis of character and behaviour.

Key words: Turkish novel, Turkish short story, Turkish plays, women, woman's identity.

Introduction

A strong tradition surrounds these notions (the concept of honour and shame and the nature of female sexuality) in Turkey. According to this tradition women are expected to remain virgins until married, and to remain chaste after marriage, but the duty of defending the sexual purity of women is delegated to men. A woman's responsibility in the matter is thus diminished, and her consequent vulnerability means that any situation which may expose her to danger is to be avoided. This is the logic which demands either the exclusion of women from public places, or protective male support when in public, or both. Once a woman's sexual purity has been violated there is no way she can redeem her honour, even if she is an innocent victim of sexual assault. The concern for women's chastity is a social concern, involving convention, rather than a private concern involving moral conscience. Violation of a woman's honour therefore demands public vengeance against the violator, and against the woman if she is in any way seen to have actively or voluntarily participated. The shame attached even to an innocent victim will often force the woman to remove herself from her family in order not to be a constant reminder of the disgrace she has innocently brought upon them. The fact that more women than men, and in particular young girls and young women, commit suicide may well be connected with questions of 'dishonour'. (1) The traditionally early age at which girls are given in marriage, as well as the customs of seclusion, segregation and veiling, and the upholding of 'feminine' virtues such as modesty, submission and docility in the socialisation of girls are all safeguards for maintaining the purity of girls before marriage and for the chastity of all women.

A correlate of the system which requires male control of female sexuality is the concept of unrestrained female sexuality as a dangerous, destructive force. Sexually 'free' women are, however, also subject to male control, in that they are dependent on male clients or patrons, and they are not acknowledged as full members of society either by men or by women. As an extension of the negative values attached to female sexuality, within the family all outward signs of intimacy or affection between husband and wife are traditionally prohibited, especially in front of older members of the family, particularly males, to whom respect must always be shown.

A survey of attitudes among girls at university in Istanbul and their mothers, carried out in the 1970s, shows a sharp decline in the importance attached to premarital chastity from one generation to the next. (2) However, this tendency among the urban, educated female population has not yet filtered through to the villages, where the findings of several researchers suggest that fear of promiscuity through contact with unrelated males is a factor severely inhibiting the recruitment of women into paid employment. (3) On the other hand, in view of the relatively high number of women among Turkish workers in Germany (4) compared with the number of women paid employees in Turkey in 1965 (5) it seems that financial considerations can overcome moral drawbacks where the rewards are seen to be great enough. However, the suspicion with which men regard male-female relationships outside marriage indicates the persistence of their belief that women's sexuality is dangerous and must be carefully controlled. (6) It has been suggested that male attitudes stressing female weakness, dependence and vulnerability stem from men's fear of their own inner impulse, (7) but whether or not this is the case it is evident that the notion of the disruptive power of female sexuality is still given credence.

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