Family and community life: exploring the decline thesis: does the move away from traditional family forms and practices have implications for the quality of community life? This article explores the common assumptions, discusses the literature, and presents key findings from a recent Institute study.

Recently, focus on "strong" communities, and concern about the possible "decline" or "breakdown" of community, has re-emerged in academic and political discourse, and in the popular media. The aspects of community life that have been the focus of this concern include levels of membership and engagement in things such as community groups and organisations, and levels of trust--including trust in institutions and in people generally, including strangers (Putnam 1995).

These aspects of community life are seen as essential elements of strong and cohesive communities (Portes 1998; Putzel 1997; Cox 1995). They are thought to affect the capacity for community members to come together and cooperate in pursuit of common interests; to sustain an ethos of reciprocity and a common sense of mutualism and belonging (Inglehart 1997; Knack and Keefer 1997; Hughes, Bellamy and Black 1999).

In debates about community strength and decline, there has also been a focus on the quality of family life. One of the common assumptions underlying these debates is that strong families are the foundation of strong communities. This is evident in current policy frameworks such as the Australian Government's Stronger Families and Communities Strategy (Howard and Newman 2000), which promotes the family alongside the community as traditional institutions that provide the most effective source and form of social support, and relies heavily on the assumption that these institutions strengthen each other.

It is therefore not surprising that the changes that have occurred in family life are seen as a threat to the quality of community life. Concern is raised about declining marriage and fertility rates, increased rates of de facto marriage, divorce and lone-parent families, and increased rates of female workforce participation. It is argued that these changes in family life have weakened family bonds and the quality of relationships within families. This in turn is thought to threaten community (The Age 2001; Fukuyama 1999; Putnam 1995).

While this interpretation of family change and what it means for community life is a dominant one, the relationship between family and community life has rarely been the focus of theoretical or empirical scrutiny. To enhance the development of informed, evidence-based policy, this article does three things. First, the thesis about family and community decline is outlined in detail. Next, the paper reports findings from recent analyses of survey data from the Australian Institute of Family Studies Families Social Capital and Citizenship project that explored the thesis empirically. Finally, the policy and research implications of these findings are discussed.

The family decline thesis

The dominant interpretation of the changes that have occurred in family life and what they mean for community life, as outlined above, is one of family and community decline. We call this "the family decline thesis". According to this interpretation, the changes that have occurred in family life (including decreased marriage and fertility rates, increased rates of de facto marriage, divorce and lone-parent families, increased rates of female labour force participation, and increased individualism in intimate relationships) amount to the breakdown of family life. And as "strong families" are seen as the foundation of "strong communities", this breakdown of family life is thought to lead to the breakdown of community (The Age 2001; Fukuyama 1999; Putnam 1995).

To elaborate: according to the decline thesis, the changes that have occurred in family life have weakened the family as an institution, and elevated in importance individual needs, relationships and pursuits outside the family. For example, divorce and separation represent the breaking of bonds, trust and reciprocity within families. No longer held together by law, tradition or financial necessity, relationships are inherently tentative and unstable, and are only continued in so far as they are thought by both parties to deliver enough satisfactions for individuals to stay in them (Giddens 1992: 58). In addition, changes in gender roles are also seen as a threat. In particular, women's increased workforce participation is seen as a threat to family relationships as it limits possibilities for family interaction and lessens the need for women to form or maintain relationships with men (Misztal 1996).

According to the decline thesis, the weakening of family life is thought in turn to lead to the breakdown of community. The assumption underlying this link is that strong families "strengthen" communities. While the mechanisms by which families strengthen communities are rarely articulated, families are seen as having an important role in the creation of social networks and as a conduit to broader forms of community engagement. Marriage and family formation are seen as important life transitions in this respect. Marriage embeds individuals within a network of extended family and friends, and child bearing and home ownership are associated with greater levels of neighbourhood attachment and involvement (Glezer 1997: 9).

In addition, families are seen as the key site for the transmission of behavioural norms (Winter 2000). For example, if children experience good quality connections with community and civil society through their families, this may lead to an increased propensity for those children to become engaged and active citizens in adulthood. More generally, where children are exposed to cooperative behaviour early in life they are more likely to become cooperative adults (Mark 2002). However, family life is often idealised in this respect. As Cox (1995: 28-29) says, "it is assumed [rather than demonstrated] that families will provide models of good relationships and civic virtues".

It is also widely believed that family relationships are essential for the development of basic trust (King 2002). As quoted in Mistzal (1996: 157): "It is an everyday and valued conception in our society that the family is the primordial source and location of trust. The expression, "If you can not trust your family, then whom can you trust?" has a large value and ideological appeal for us" (Barber 1983: 26).

To summarise the decline thesis, the breakdown of family life is thought to lead to the breakdown of community life, as strong families are seen as the foundation of strong communities. If marriage and child-bearing are a conduit to community engagement and attachment, and intimate relationships an important source of trust and security, then it follows that falling marriage and fertility rates, and increased rates of divorce and separation, may lead to lower levels of community engagement and …