The dossier on Stephen, the first martyr *.

E lui vedea chinarsi, per la morte che l'aggravava gia inver' la terra ma de li occhi facea sempre al ciel porte,

orando a l'alto Sire, in tanta guerra, che perdonasse a' suoi persecutori, con quello aspetto che pietta diserra.

--Dante, Purgatorio XV, 109-14(1)

Today, New Testament scholars interpret the book of Acts and its account of the Hellenists--Stephen's martyrdom in particular(2)--while historians of Christianity study the cult of Saint Stephen and the healing power of his relics. (3) In contrast to the situation in earlier scholarship, there is, alas, little dialogue between the two groups, because the first does not investigate the reception of the book of Acts, (4) and the second does not bridge the gap between the time of the New Testament and the fourth century, when the cult of the saint begins to be well attested. My long-term intention is to establish links between the two scholarly fields and to consider Stephen's career in the New Testament and his role in the life of the church as two phases of a continuous history. This paper, an expression of my short-term intention, fulfills two preliminary tasks: to present the modern research on the hagiography of the first martyr and to collect the ancient material on Stephen. As far as I can judge, such a file or "dossier" on Stephen, the first martyr, does not exist.

* Bibliography

a) One begins this investigation by reading Bible dictionaries, particularly the Dictionnaire de la Bible, Supplement. The author of the article "Stephen," Father F.-M. Abel, a Dominican, was a member of the Ecole Biblique et Archeologique Francaise in Jerusalem. The reader, who may know that the church of the school, Saint-Etienne, was built on the remains of the old basilica founded in the fifth century C.E. by the empress Eudocia, will rejoice to read one of the rare specialists able to write both a biblical and hagiographical account of the first martyr. (5) But Abel wrote long ago. Second, one looks at dictionaries on the saints, the most important being the Italian Bibliotheca sanctorum which presents the several hagiographical texts and the cult of Saint Stephen. (6) Third, one reads works on Christian iconography, particularly the Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, which contains a bibliography, a catalog of the several types of representations, a list of the attributes of the saint, and a description of the major iconographic cycles, biblical and nonbiblical. (7)

Among these different reference works, the most important for our subject is an older one, published in 1922, the Dictionnaire d'archdologie chretienne et de liturgie. (8) Written by Henry Leclercq, the article "Etienne (Martyre et srpulture de saint)" is divided into three parts: the first ([subsections] 1-10) is devoted to the biblical account (Acts 6-8); the second ([subsections] 11-32) to the hagiographical sources; and the third ([subsections] 33-75) to the archaeological problems. The second section is particularly useful, for it presents many Latin, Greek, and Syriac texts on Stephen and even offers a French translation of recension A of the Latin Revelatio, written in Greek by the priest Lucian and translated into Latin by Avitus of Braga (according to Leclercq, recension A is to be preferred to recension B).

b) In the Bible, the role of the Hellenists, Stephen's speech, and Stephen's martyrdom are first mentioned in the book of the Acts of the Apostles. Several new commentaries and monographs on this book offer a rich bibliography on these items (9) Several articles and monographs have been devoted to the Hellenists, starting with Martin Hengel's important contribution. (10)

c) Early Christian apocryphal literature seldom mentions the first martyr. The Decretum Gelasianum, however, mentions a book to be rejected: Revelatio quae appellatur Stephani, apocrypha. (11) A century ago, P. von Winterfeld identified this proscribed book with the story written in Palestine by the priest Lucian in 415 C.E. (12) Lucian's document indeed bears the title Revelatio and tells the story of the miraculous discovery of Stephen's relics. Winterfeld's identification has been generally accepted. The author of the Decretum was probably writing in Gaul during the sixth century, at a time when narratives about the miraculous discoveries of efficacious relics were popular; it is not clear why the author of the Decretum rejected Lucian's narrative. Winterfield's identification has not, however, been sufficient to excite the interest of specialists in apocryphal literature. Only Montague Rhodes James, Mario Erbetta, and Maurice Geerard have shown some interest in that text. (13)

d) Christian writers may have preserved early traditions on the first martyr, but no scholarly inquiry has been undertaken to recover them. (14)

e) References to the cult of Saint Stephen: The date of 415 C.E. marks the discovery of Stephen's relics by the priest Lucian. But the cult of St. Stephen was in existence earlier. Sermons which predate the Revelatio were preached in his honor by, for example, Gregory of Nyssa. It is true, however, that the discovery of the first martyr's tomb and the scattering of his relics, particularly in the West, favored his cult. The reader finds references to the numerous texts in Greek, Latin, Syriac, Coptic, Armenian, Georgian, Arabic, Ethiopic, Gaelic, and Slavonic in the several Bibliothecae hagiographicae. (15) For the one hundredth anniversary of the first publication of their periodical Analecta Bollandiana, the Bollandists published an "inventaire hagiographiques des tomes 1 a 100 (1882-1982)." Under the heading "Stephanus diaconus protomartyr" the editors indicate numerous articles published between those dates. (16) These papers open unexpected doors and present other bibliographical references.

Particularly interesting is an article by Hippolyte Delehaye. (17) The famous Bollandist explains how Augustine requested those who had been cured by Stephen's relics to write down their spiritual and physical experiences. It was the hope of the bishop of Hippo that such stories would constitute a harmonious counterpart to the miracle stories of the Gospels. Some of these narratives, called libelli, have been preserved and form an exceptional testimony to popular literature. Working on the Latin side, another Bollandist, Baudoin de Gaiffier, unveils a strange legend. (18) In the Middle Ages people believed that the devil had stolen Stephen when he was a baby, leaving a demonic creature in his place. Also of interest is a study by Michel Berger. The author describes frescoes in a church in southern Italy, in Soleto, between Lecce and Otranto in Puglia. (19) The presence of a crucifixion in a cycle devoted to Stephen remains enigmatic, but Berger explains convincingly that the fresco coincides with a legend related to Stephen. According to that story, Stephen's adversaries first tried to crucify the saint. Only when this effort failed did they decide to stone him. It is interesting to note that the fresco can be considered as an early witness to a written legend preserved only in Slavonic and Georgian versions; (20) in Greek, only in revised forms. (21)

Reading E. D. Hunt brings other surprises. One learns that the conversion of the entire island of Minorca, south of Spain, was the result of the presence of Stephen's relics. (22) A contemporary witness to these events, Sever of Minorca, the first bishop of the island, wrote the whole story. (23) Such an event shows the prodigious success of the cult of Saint Stephen in the first half of the fifth century C.E., and also the presence of anti-Semitism in the development of this cult: unlike Jesus, the Protomartyr did not succumb to a Roman persecution, but to the opposition of the Jewish people in Jerusalem. Finally, Elizabeth A. Clark's article convinces us of the political dimension of the cult of the relics. (24) She shows how two women of the highest society, Melania the Younger and the empress Eudocia, competed for the construction of sacred spaces devoted to the remains of the Protomartyr. The first, Melania, built two structures on the Mount of Olives: an oratory in a female monastery around 431-432, then around 438 a small martyrium inside the colonnade of the Church of the Holy Ascension, connected to a monastery for men. She seems to have deposited on the Mount some relics of the saint. The second, Eudocia, built a basilica outside the city walls, north of the gate of Neapolis. This church seems to have been built in two stages, since there was a depositio of Stephen's relics as early as 438 or 439, and an official dedication of the building in 460. (25)

* Stephen in the Book of Acts

Several aspects of Acts 6-8 have drawn the attention of scholars. (26) First, the story of the tension in the Jerusalem church has been particularly noted. It is clear today, for the majority of scholars, that a quarrel existed between opposing and distinct Christian groups of Jewish origin: the Twelve, who spoke Aramaic and respected the Jerusalem Temple, and the Seven, who spoke Greek and presented a liberal understanding of the Mosaic law and opposed the sacrificial function of the Temple. (27) New Testament scholars have generally not accepted the suggestion of a connection between the Hellenists and the Dead Sea Scrolls community. (28)

Second, the long speech delivered by Stephen has been the object of numerous partial or global interpretations. A proposed connection to Samaritan theology has not convinced many scholars. The hypothesis of the redactional aspect of the speech, strongly advocated a generation ago, has been revised. Today, scholars consider that the speech in its present form is the work of Luke, the "redactor," or better the author, of Acts. Luke, however, was a historian skillful enough to reconstruct what may have been Stephen's speech. That is the reason that the speech is so different from Peter's sermons in Acts. Just as Luke was able to introduce the notion, central for the historical Paul, of God's righteousness in Paul's speech in Pisidian Antioch (Acts 13:38-39), so he developed in Stephen's sermon (Acts 7) certain theological concerns valued by the Hellenists. Even if the text is difficult in Acts 7:42-50, it clearly attacks the Jerusalem temple and its cult.

The third aspect of Acts 6-8 that has kept scholars' attention is the martyrdom itself. The Lucan narrative hesitates between a real trial and mob action. This tension probably reflects a difference of opinion between the tradition favoring the idea of a mob action, and the Lucan redaction favoring the idea of a trial. (29) Scholars have also been intrigued by the fact that Christ appears to the dying martyr as the Son of Man, and that he appears in a standing position. (30)

What strikes the reader of contemporary scholarship on Acts (31) is the lack of interest in the reception or transmission of the Stephen stories in the ancient church. A knowledge of any traditions preserved by the Christian writers would be a welcome aid in understanding and evaluating the biblical narratives of Acts 6-8.

* The Cult of Saint Stephen

Origin and Date of the Feast

There are indications, as I have said, that the cult of Saint Stephen predates the discovery of his relics in 415 C.E. (32) In his funerary homily for Basil of Caesarea, who died 1 January 379, Gregory of Nyssa mentions some feasts between Christmas and the New Year: Saint Stephen, Saint Peter, Saint James, Saint John, and Saint Paul. (33) The Syriac Menologion, which is probably a short version of the Greek martyrologion from Asia Minor and dates from the end of the fourth century, (34) indicates the date of 26 December for the feast of Saint Stephen. The Apostolic Constitutions also mention the feast of the saint, without, however, mentioning the exact date; but, as they were written in the fourth century, they confirm the longevity of the cult. (35) The Armenians and the Latins are other witnesses to the date of 26 December. (36) Because they introduced a feast honoring Jesus' parents on 26 December, the Byzantines moved the celebration of the feast of Saint Stephen to 27 December, (37) but this was not the original tradition.

Other days important in the cult of Saint Stephen were the days of the discovery of his relics and of the several translations of his remains. Four different translations occurred over the centuries: the first, following immediately upon the discovery of the relics, was from Caphar Gamala, where the tomb was located, to Jerusalem; the second, from the church on Mount Zion to the new basilica built by the empress Eudocia; the third, from Jerusalem to Constantinople, (38) and the fourth, according to other stories, from Constantinople to Rome. (39) There are disagreements among the Greek, Latin, Coptic, Chaldaic, and other churches concerning the proper dates for celebrating these different translations. There are also disagreements among scholars! The second and third days of August are mentioned, but these dates probably emerged out of confusion with the feast of another Stephen, bishop of Rome in the third century C.E. (40)

Places of Worship

We do not know whether there was a shrine devoted to Stephen at Caphar Gamala, but as just noted, Stephen's relics were placed first in the church on Mount Zion, on the Western hill of Jerusalem. Subsequently, devotions were practiced in the small martyrium built by Melania on the Mount of Olives and, most importantly, in the new basilica built by Eudocia, supposedly on the spot of the martyrdom. As we will see, there were vigorous debates a century ago concerning the place of stoning because of disagreement among the ancient sources.

The Revelatio of Stephen's relics provoked a fulgurant interest in the Protomartyr. The fact that Paul Orosius and Avitus brought some of his relics to the West encouraged this enthusiasm: North Africa became a land where Stephen was venerated, and places like Uzalis, Carthage, and Hippo became famous for the miracles performed by the holy martyr. The same was true of the Mediterranean island of Minorca; of Rome, where Stephen has been connected to Saint Laurence; (41) and of Ancona, where Augustine knew that an elbow of the saint was preserved. (42) Ravenna, Naples, and Milan also had their churches dedicated to Saint Stephen. The same can be said of Spain, France, (43) and England. (44) The cathedral of Besancon was proud to possess an arm of Stephen. (45) Also in the East the memory of Stephen was preserved, and the Chronicle of Edessa mentions the presence of a church dedicated to Stephen in that city. (46) Constantinople counted three churches in Stephen's honor, one of them located in the imperial palace. The index of Delehaye's famous book, Les origines du culte des martyrs, contains many references for the name "Stephanus," more indeed than for any other saint, and the Protomartyr is mentioned on the first page of the book?

* Stephen in the Christian Literature of the First Centuries

Very much present in the book of Acts, Stephen is totally absent from the rest of the New Testament. (48) His absence in the Pauline corpus is particularly surprising. Not only the account in Acts 7:58--whose truth is, of course, debatable--that Saul (alias Paul) was present during Stephen's martyrdom, but also the theological affinity between the two men should have urged the apostle to the nations to find strength in his memory of Stephen. Although my investigation is not complete, a few soundings reveal the same silence regarding Stephen in the second century C.E. The so-called Apostolic Fathers, the apologists, Justin Martyr, the early Christian Apocrypha, and the Nag Hammadi documents do not mention the first martyr at all. One should not forget Chrysostom's strange remark that in his time many Christians ignored the book of Acts. (49)

In the second century C.E., I know of only three allusions to the first martyr. According to members of the sect of the Nicolaites, their patronymic hero was a companion of Stephen, one of the seven Hellenists elected to the service of the tables (Acts 6:5). (50) The heroism of Stephen facing violent death became a model for the martyrs of Lyon and Vienna. Like the Protomartyr, they found the spiritual energy to pray for their executioners. (51) Irenaeus of Lyon underlines the harmony of the first Christian preaching. He mentions Stephen in this context and, respectful of Acts--of which he was one of the first advocates--he says that Stephen was chosen by the apostles, became the first deacon, preached about the Law, saw the divine glory, and reached perfection through his death as a martyr. (52) It is clear that Irenaeus's knowledge does not exceed the data found in the book of Acts and that he is not a witness to any noncanonical traditions concerning the first martyr.

A little later, searching for biblical examples of patience, Tertullian mentions the prophet Isaiah and the martyr Stephen side by side. (53) A reading of the Biblia patristica and several indices may help us to find other traces of Stephen in the third century C.E. (54) I must add that few are the modern works that treat the history of interpretation of the book of Acts in the first centuries?

The situation changes in the fourth century C.E. In Syria, Aphrahat mentions Stephen as a martyr after Jesus and before the apostles in his Demonstrations. (56) Ephrem, Aphrahat's younger fellow countryman, wrote a commentary on the book of Acts. It is preserved in an Armenian translation and in the fragments of an Armenian catena. (57) Concerning Stephen, Ephrem simply explains the text of Acts. Only two short remarks suggest that the author has some extracanonical information: he says, first, that Stephen was feared because of his knowledge; and…